4. Socio-Economic System

People
Human habitation of Wadi Allaqi has great antiquity; pharaonic remains have been identified and gold mines in the region have been exploited intermittently since Pharaonic times. While it is difficult to determine with precision from the historical remains the identity and permanence of desert dwellers in the distant past it is likely that the ancestors of many of the current residents were people referred to as Blemmyes in Roman times (Hjort and Dahl 1991). Eventually, the residents of the Southeastern Egyptian Desert (and Northeast Sudan) became known as Ababda and Bishariin. Most written sources regard both groups as members of the Beja ethnic group (Murray 1935, Hjort and Dahl 1991, Palmisano 1991, Mekki n.d.) but within Egypt some argue that the Ababda, like their northern neighbours, the Ma'aza Bedouin, have Arabian roots. It is likely that current desert residents represent a mix of Arabian and Beja influences although contemporary boundaries between the homelands of the different Bedouin and Beja groups are widely acknowledged. Nonetheless, intermarriage occurs and reciprocal use of territory is common. Within Egypt Beja peoples are generally referred to as Bedouin, a generic term referring to desert nomads.

The Beja are considered part of the Cushitic language group that includes peoples along the Red Sea Coast in Sudan, Eritrea, Djibouti, Somalia, and parts of Ethiopia. The Bishariin, whose origins are in Northeast Sudan, speak a Cushitic language, to-bedawie (tebdawait), the Ababda (single, Abadi) speak Arabic. In addition to the Beja, transients from other parts of Egypt, Africa, the Middle East, and elsewhere have passed through Wadi Allaqi for various amounts of time and purposes for thousands of years.

History
Increasingly ethnographers recognize of the dangers of assuming that contemporary practices of rural peoples represent an unchanging past. While certain customs may have a long tradition and pastoralism has probably characterized the life of Eastern desert residents for centuries their current mode of life and cultural practices must be viewed as emerging from a long history and changing circumstances. Desert residents have been in contact with urban based peoples and those to the south and east for thousands of years. In Pharaonioc and Roman times desert residents worked in the gold mines, they traded with and pillaged Nile Valley residents (Hjort and Dahl 1991:18) and occasionally fought for the Pharaohs (Mekki n.d.).

Significant new economic opportunities emerged approximately 2000 years ago as camel use and breeding became common in the region. Trade between the Nile Valley, the Red Sea, and the interior of Africa increased at this time and desert routes, some through Wadi Allaqi, became frequent caravan trails. The Beja participated extensively in the trade as guides, attendants, traders, and camel breeders. Eventually the Beja became renowned for rearing high quality transport and riding camels and the Bishariin, in particular, for breeding the 'best riding camels in the Arab world' (Hjort and Dahl 1991:163). Even today, the camel races of Northeast Sudan are popular events attracting observers from accross the Middle East.

Beja pre-eminence in desert trade and control over its routes continued for many centuries and still plays a role in their economic system. However, new trade routes emerged over the years, especially in the past two centuries with the creation of the Suez Canal and the development of rail, vehicular and road transport in the region. For Wadi Allaqi residents, a tarred road connected the area to Aswan in 1992 and has been significant for trade. Wadi Allaqi camels are still in demand at Egyptian markets and live camels are trekked through Allaqi from the Sudan for sale at Egyptian markets. Some trade still occurs in conjunction with these camel caravans (dabuka) but the camel's central role in long distance trade and transport is a thing of the past. In Addition, according to Fawzy (quoted in Hjort and Dahl 1991:163) with the building of the Aswan Dam and the inundation of parts of Nubia, the Beja lost critical and rich camel pasture lands. However, this last factor is counteracted by the presence of water and new pasture resources, especially Tamarix, that only emerged after inundation. Camels continue to have vital social and symbolic value for Allaqi peoples and are used for internal transport when people migrate to the hills and wadis to graze small stock and produce charcoal. But since the advent of the tarred road to Aswan, goods, especially charcoal, and small stock are transported to town by road. However, changes in trade and the desert economic system should not be viewed simply as loss for the Beja; as some opportunities close, others open. The Beja now have permanent water and new pasture resources; they are more involved in commercial small stock production and, in general, have more active market relations with Aswan that are facilitated by the new road. In addition, since inundation the presence of both government and private sector institutions and companies in the desert has resulted in numerous employment opportunities for desert residents (these will be detailed below) and there has been an increase in the provision of social services.

Human Settlement in Wadi Allaqi
Present downstream Wadi Allaqi is in Ababda territory and upstream is in Bishariin; the middle part is very dry and supports no permanent human habitation. This ethnographic discussion predominantly concerns downstream Wadi Allaqi where most of the research has been conducted.

Precise population figures are difficult to obtain for nomadic peoples; a 1986 census revealed 218 people in the area with 89.5% of Abadi origin and 10.5% Bishariin (Mohamed et al 1991). Subsequent research indicates a slight increase in population - perhaps to 230 and a definite increase in the proportion of Bishariin who now comprise 20 to 30 % of the local population. Bishariin families have arrived since inundation and cordial relations exist between the two groups although the Bishariin are considered guests - their homeland being to the southeast. Intermarriage is occurring between the groups and no substantial conflicts over resources have yet occurred between the two groups.

Wadi Allaqi residents do not consider themselves fully settled although a process of sedentarization is evident. Movements are taking place within the Wadi itself, albeit very much on a local scale, but entailing the re-location of settlements. These movements are largely tied to the changing lake level (Mekki and Briggs 1991). There are seasonal movements into other wadis and hills to graze and charcoal but usually these people return to Wadi Allaqi. Many Ababda and Bishariin make extended visits to urban based relatives in Aswan, Shelateen, and other towns.

In downstream Allaqi, Ababda and Bishariin live in camps of closely related individuals consisting of approximately ten to thirty people. They live in tents that are easily dismantled and rebuilt; the tents are constructed of Tamarix wood frames and covered by palm mats, blankets of goat and sheep wool (shamla), and purchased plastic floor mats are becoming popular. The most important factors in choosing a place to settle are access to water, fuelwood, grazing, and proximity to relatives' encampments. Of these grazing is arguably the least important as fodder is collected or purchased elsewhere and brought to animals and animals can be taken to grazing areas. Other important factors include access to social services, wage labour, and to trade opportunities. The latter point is well illustrated by the location of the two wealthiest households in downstream Allaqi. Each has positioned itself at opposite ends of the area; one at the bottom of the road in order to take advantage of passing vehicles. The household is the most active in charcoal production. The other is on the dabuka caravan route; this household trades extensively with the drovers and provides other lucrative services to the dabuka such as healing sick animals, locating strays, and caring for pregnant camels.

A. Dynamic System
Since inundation in 1969 and the subsequent partial filling of Wadi Allaqi with water changes in circumstances (ecological, socio-economic, and political) have been rapid and, in most cases, unprecedented. Thus it is difficult to speak of established patterns or cycles in terms of exploitation of the environment. For example in late 1997 at the height of the lake virtually all Tamarix was covered rendering a resource to which the Ababda and Bishariin had become accustomed to utilizing in the last decade largely unavailable. One cannot ask how the desert residents adapted during a similar previous occasion because there never was one. The last time the lake was so high the Tamarix had not yet emerged and the Ababda and Bishariin were less permanently settled in the region.

The most dramatic change in recent history, the presence of water in a hyperarid area, has drawn many Ababda and Bishariin into semi-permanent residence around the water. They use the water for domestic purposes and for livestock; they do not fish nor do they utilize the water for transport. Previous attempts at agriculture have been largely unsuccessful although there is renewed interest in cultivation (see section of agriculture below).

As the lake retreated after its initial high levels in the 1970's new vegetation emerged to which local people readily adapted. The availability of this vegetation itself alters from season to season and year to year depending upon the lake level.

In 1992 a tarred road connected Wadi Allaqi to Aswan; desert residents rapidly took advantage of the road to engage in commercial activity. They now transport their charcoal by vehicle to Aswan, they have altered their marketing strategies with regard to small stock, and, general, the economy is becoming increasingly monetized.

International political relations impact upon local arrangements. In 1996 as a result of increased political tensions between Sudan and Egypt the dabuka camels coming from Sudan to Egyptian markets were detained with their drovers for approximately ten days. Before they passed quickly putting little pressure on local resources but in ten days they put unprecedented pressure on local forage, particularly, Tamarix. The Ababda and Bishariin maintain a powerful commitment to a common property model - 'The trees are from God and no one owns them; they are for all to use.' - is a typical statement. However, the severe depletion of local pasture precipitated new definitions of property relations and residents insisted that arrangements be made to circumscribe areas where dabuka camels could graze. Eventually, dabuka camels were forced to stay away from local pasture and the military brought fodder from town for the drovers to purchase. Most recently the Egyptian government reduced the period of detention but has requested the Sudanese drovers to return home from Wadi Allaqi. Local Egyptians are now hired to bring the camels to market. The military still supplies fodder for sale for the dabuka camels.

As a result of the tarred road, the presence of water, and the strategic location of Wadi Allaqi along the Sudanese border, Nile Valley influence is unprecedented in the area. Desert residents are now in intense contact with government, military, and companies in their own territory. By late 1997 there was a Social Affairs Office, Medical Facility, two High Dam Lake Authority buildings, a Locust Control Station, a Village Council, a Mosque, a EEAA Administration building, the Allaqi Project Field Station, Allaqi Project Farm and associated buildings, Military buildings, and there were mines, quarries, fishermen, other government authorities drilling wells and constructing roads, farmers, dabuka drovers, and other transients in the area. Thus the presence of the formal sector is very strong and the size of the transient population in Wadi Allaqi continually grows.

The rapid and dramatic changes that have occurred in Wadi Allaqi in the last three decades afford a unique setting in which to examine the dynamism of integrated social-economic-ecological systems. Egyptians from Wadi Allaqi and elsewhere have generally responded opportunistically to new possibilities in the region but not in all instances. The fact that the Ababda and Bishariin do not fish and have not taken to cultivation with great enthusiasm reflects amongst other factors, the strength of their livelihood and cultural preferences in which pastoralism represents a more dignified life than agriculture and fish is an unclean food. The fact that they do not use the lake for transport reflects their inexperience with and slight distrust of water travel.

Livelihood
Before detailing the major components of the livelihood system it is useful to reiterate some of the significant long and short-term changes in livelihood strategies that have occurred in the region. Camels, once prominent in the local economic system, have declined in importance in the past two centuries as new and faster forms of transport emerged. A similar and more extreme pattern has been observed in other Arab countries where camels have been neglected and, in some instances, have returned to a feral state (M. Kassas, personal communication). Small stock, both for subsistence and commercial exchange, are now increasingly important. Small stock require different fodder and husbanding-labour arrangements than camels.

As circumstances change in the Wadi Allaqi region we witness a shifting relationship between pastoralism, charcoal production, trade, and wage labour; in response to these shifts some residents are altering their livelihood strategies. Pastoralism and charcoaling require transhumance while wage labour requires a sedentary life. There are means to obviate the contradictory demands of these practices; relatives can take one's animals to the hills and can charcoal for a group and wage labour can be on a seasonal or casual basis. But ultimately, this remedy can place strains on or exhaust the capacity of those still migrating to the hills. In addition, some employment opportunities require full time work. Thus, increasingly, some men are being forced into decisions regarding which occupation(s) they will emphasize over others and some men may choose to eliminate one or more of these occupations permanently or temporarily from their livelihood strategies.

The major components of the local economic system are pastoralism, charcoal production, wage labour, agriculture, dabuka and trade, and medicinal plant collection (cf. Mekki and Briggs 1991). They are described below.

A.Pastoralism
The Ababda and Bishariin have a long history of pastoralism; it is one of the few economic activities sustainable in this hyperarid environment. Camels, goats, and sheep are the most important animals. Some households keep donkeys and these are used for transport. Chickens have been introduced by outsiders and some women keep them. Women desire chickens for the meat and eggs but chickens need to be fed purchased food and they limit mobility. They are also prey to wild carnivores. All animals have both subsistence and commercial value.

The social and symbolic value of animals cannot be overestimated; their exchange and/or consumption mark every stage of the life cycle and virtually all rituals entail a feast for which animals are slaughtered. Indeed, not to have animals renders one not only materially poor but socially bereft. While meat is not regularly consumed, animals, largely small stock - goats and especially sheep, are slaughtered to mark birth and at naming ceremonies for babies; they are slaughtered at weddings, and for funerals. Thus to be a proper person - to be born, to marry, and to die requires animals. Animals are slaughtered for various Islamic feasts including Eid when most households slaughter and meat abounds and they are slaughtered to display hospitality for special guests.

Both men and women own animals; according to Islamic inheritance rules daughters inherit half of what their brothers do and wives inherit one eighth of their husbands' property. Women also receive animals from their husbands and parents upon marriage. While women maintain some control over their animals all public activities such as sale or exchange must be conducted by men. In addition, women are prohibited from milking or slaughtering animals. Animals are exchanged at marriage and are paid to compensate crimes.

Camels:
Camels are owned by the majority of Allaqi households but their distribution greatly varies. The wealthiest household owns at least one hundred while most camel owning households own only a few and some households own none. Camels require little labour; they wander on their own to find grazing and can go for days to weeks without water. Their migratory patterns are well known and they can be easily located. Only a few are kept near the settlements for transport. They are branded (brand - titto).

Camels are only rarely slaughtered for food and they are milked irregularly. They are sold to markets in Aswan and Daraw; in the late 1990's their average producer price was LE 2000. Camel meat is desired for kofta and for the fact that it is low in fat and cholesterol. Camels are also desired by Upper Egyptian farmers at harvest time to transport crops.

While the golden age of camel caravan trade is past, camels are still important for local transport within the desert. Ababda and Bishariin relocate their tents frequently; all their belongings are loaded on camels for the move. Camels play a critical role in charcoaling and grazing; these activities entail trips of several months into the desert. People must bring all their supplies for this time and then load the camels with upwards of 250 kilograms each of charcoal on the return trips. Those poor in camels are dependent upon wealthier individuals to make the trips; the nature of these arrangements will be discussed below.

According to Mekki (n.d.:4) camels are the basis of wealth and social distinction in Ababda and Bishariin society. Not only is a person's worth measured in camels but so is their life. Camels are the primary dia payments; crimes, including murder are compensated by such payments and the amount is determined by Sheiks presiding over Agawids (councils).

While camels may be the prestige animals, sheep and goats are the most important on a daily basis both in terms of the labour required in their care and their immediate economic returns. Small stock are widely but unevenly owned; some households own hundreds while others own only a few. They are considerably more numerous than camels. Unlike camels, who wander on their own to find grazing, small stock are kept near human settlement in enclosures and are taken to water and grazing.

Small stock eat a variety of plants (see section of fodder plants) but the most palatable species are the annual and ephemeral plants that appear after rain events (see section on environment for rainfall patterns). After the rains which come in the fall (approximately October through December) animals are taken to the hills where there has been rain - this is often in conjunction with charcoal production. Male labour, camels for transport, and enough supplies are necessary. Thus some households pool their resources and take each others animals and some do not take their animals at all. A shortage of male labour, often as a result of employment, can prevent households from taking their animals to the hills. Conversely, a wealthy household can attract extra household labour by supplying camels and supplies to send poorer people to graze its animals. In this 'customary' labour arrangement labour is paid by being given a share of the animals born - usually half .

For much of the year the small stock are kept in downstream Allaqi and even when the animals are taken for grazing some are left behind. Here they require a good deal of care; they must be fed, watered, and enclosed at night. This is the work largely of women and children. Women and children collect food for the animals which often requires them to go in the water to collect Tamarix, to collect and dry aquatic plants (Shilbeka or Najas) on the shoreline, and to look for any other species that may be palatable for the animals. One household was observed to have collected grass from as far away as Aswan. Households, especially wealthier ones, purchase grain (sorghum and maize) in Aswan for small stock and teben which is a combination of grain and the outer husks. Teben varies in quality and price depending upon the proportion of grain relative to outer husks. People say teben just keeps their animals alive in a bad year but does nothing to promote lactation, fertility, and good health in general. Animals are also fed left over food. The amount of purchased given to animals is related to the incidence of rainfall (years can pass with no rain); if rain induced pasture is available this is the preferred fodder.

Small stock provide for a variety subsistence needs; their milk is taken daily except in severe conditions, they are slaughtered for ritual occasions (see above) and for hospitality for special visitors, their hides are tanned by women and made into a variety of containers, and their hair is woven into blankets (shamla). Bedouin women make butter from the milk in skin sacks; they consume the butter and use it to rub on their skin and hair. The desert is very dry and butter is one of the few moisturisers available. Acacia nilotica pods, generally purchased in Aswan, are used for tanning. Containers are made to hold water and dry goods; some are beautifully decorated with cowrie shells. Some shamlas are elaborately designed with stripes of contrasting colours and interspersed goat and sheep hair. Occasionally these are sold in Aswan markets for as much as LE 250.

There is a lively commercial trade in small stock which has increased since the completion of the tarred road to Aswan. Small stock are sold locally largely to transients in the desert and they are sold in Aswan markets. They are sold throughout the year but sales peak at certain times such as the Eid feast when sheep are in high demand. Otherwise sales are seasonal and are highly dependent upon the occurrence of rain. In a year of good rains people will keep animals, fatten them from the annual and ephemeral pasture, and sell them in the spring or summer. If the rains fail, people will sell animals in fall and winter before they lose condition for lack of pasture or to avoid the expensive alternative of purchasing fodder to see the animals through the lean season. In addition, in a promising year people will buy small stock (usually in Aswan) in the fall in the hopes of fattening them through the winter for subsequent sale. This sort of commercial strategy of buying and selling has intensified and is greatly facilitated by the road and the ability to transport the animals by vehicle to and from Aswan. In Aswan, Nile Valley farmers often purchase Allaqi small stock in order to fatten them for resale. Most households sell animals on a contingency basis when the need for cash arises. But some of the wealthier households have a more businesslike attitude and market animals on a regular basis. In early 1997 the average price in Aswan for Allaqi goats was LE 150 and LE 225 for sheep.

There is a perception amongst Wadi Allaqi residents that they consume less milk than they did in the past. They speak romantically of the days when they consumed vast quantities of milk compared to the present situation in which children get small quantities of milk and they put some in their tea. They tend to attribute this to diminished milk production on the part of the animals as a result of inferior fodder consumed in downstream Allaqi. This may be true but other factors must be considered. Because of their proximity to Aswan, the tarred road, and their greater integration into the market, Wadi Allaqi residents now have more food alternatives and purchase more grain and other foods such as macaroni - they also buy clarified butter and, occasionally, powdered milk. In Addition with the increased emphasis upon marketing small stock it could be that they are milking animals less to allow the young to suckle freely, mature more quickly to reach reproductive age and market prime more rapidly.

B. Charcoal
Charcoal production was analysed and described in our previous 1995 report, Environmental Management of Fuelwood Resources in Wadi Allaqi (Egypt) (I.D.R.C. File: 92-1001-01); it will only be briefly discussed here. Bedouin make charcoal from the dead branches and trees of the acacia species and then market it in Aswan where it costs between LE 1.2 and 2 a kilogram depending upon the quality. Our research indicates that approximately 18 tons of charcoal were produced annually from the area in 1996 and 1997. The mean price in 1996 per kilogram of charcoal was LE 1.8. Thus we can estimate that the annual harvest of charcoal for 1996 and 1997 was worth LE 32,400 rendering it a very significant source of income for many households.

Charcoal production entails controlled burning of the wood in the sand - it takes several weeks to produce and people often stay away for months as they charcoal in more than one location. It is a winter activity and often done in conjunction with grazing small stock in the distant hills and wadis. Like grazing small stock it requires up-front assets as supplies are needed to sustain the men charcoaling and camels are needed for transport. Thus it is an activity carried out more by wealthier households or by men who enter into 'customary' labour arrangements with wealthier men who supply them with camels and foodstuffs. The men charcoaling retain a percentage of the product.

The price of charcoal depends upon the following factors: (1) size - bigger pieces are more valuable and broken dusty pieces are less valuable; (2) how well burned it is - no wood should remain; (3) colour - black is more valuable than green; and (4) 'shake' - well burned charcoal makes no noise when it is shaken. In the past charcoal was taken by camel to Aswan but now it is loaded onto any passing vehicle. Camels are natural 'shock absorbers' and deliver the charcoal to market in larger pieces. But since the tarred road people have accepted the reduced value of charcoal rendered by vehicle transport in exchange for the speed and ease of transporting their charcoal to market by road.

C. Labour
One of the most significant changes in livelihood strategies in recent years is the rise of wage labour opportunities for Wadi Allaqi residents. Only men take formal sector employment; women are prohibited from virtually all public transactions and their formal sector relations are almost always mediated by men. Based upon a survey conducted in 1991 in which 31 of the men interviewed were still alive in 1997, the number of men employed in full time or casual work has increased from approximately 7% in 1991 to approximately 41% in 1997. In discussions with Allaqi project members in 1997, we calculated that 13 Bedouin men (some had moved to the region since 1991) were involved in full time wage work at the time and many more had casual employment.

It is difficult to obtain information from Wadi Allaqi residents regarding their salaries and thus we can only estimate the amount of money earned by local people. The EEAA pays its full time desert workers LE 200 a month; this is considered high for regular work and the monthly average may be closer to LE 100. Part time work is more variable and may entail only a few days a month with earnings as low as LE30 (or less) or it can be highly paid temporary and intermittent work such as dabuka droving. In 1997 the military hired four men at a time to take Sudanese camels from Allaqi to Aswan; the leader was paid LE 500 and the three assistants were paid LE 400 each for less than a week of work. If we take an average of LE 120 for 13 men working full time and an average of LE 60 for ten men working part time for a month we can estimate that the monthly aggregate income from employment for Allaqi residents is LE 2,160. Then the yearly income is LE 25,920 (a sum approaching the annual value of charcoal production). While this figure is only an estimate it does point to the significance of wage labour in the region.

The rise in employment is correlated to a number of factors. It is both a cause and effect of sedentarization and is tied to a growing desire for cash as people become more market integrated, and to the increased availability of employment. Employment opportunities have increased for a number of reasons. Wadi Allaqi's location on the Sudanese border is important; given the political tensions between the two countries in recent years it has been Egypt's policy to increase military and government presence in the region. Most important, however, is the presence of water and thus development opportunities and, critically, the tarred road.

Sources of employment include EEAA, the Wadi Allaqi project, High Dam Lake Authority, Allaqi Village, Locust Control, Clinic, various Mines and Quarries, Road Construction, Aswan Farmers, Water Development, Military, Scientific surveys, and dabuka (men to drive camels from Allaqi to Aswan). Jobs include manual workers, guards, military 'intelligence', guides, drovers, etc. Some jobs are temporary and intermittent such as when Allaqi resdients are hired as guides for archaeological or geological surveys and to guard mines or offices when regular workers return home for holidays.

Employment has increased the amount of cash circulating in Wadi Allaqi. It is also contributing to a shortage of male labour available for other economic pursuits (see White 1995 and Briggs 1989 who spoke of a shortage of male labour even prior to a significant rise in employment). This is placing a greater burden upon women and children. In addition, as mentioned earlier in this report, it is leading some men to de-emphasize migratory activities such as charcoaling and grazing, or to rely more upon their relatives for these pursuits. For some of the poorer households who were reliant upon others for the resources to engage in these activities, wage labour is a way out of dependent relations and a source of more or less independent income.

D. Agriculture
Since the creation of the High Dam Lake various agencies have encouraged agricultural production for Allaqi residents and to this end they have offered material incentives. In the late 1980's several households had cultivation plots for which they received food and other items from FAO. These were labour intensive; they needed to be fenced, irrigated, and moved to follow the changing shoreline. All these old plots are now under water. Generally these agricultural experiments were unsuccessful and the Bedouin regard cultivation as a less dignified way to make a living than other activities. It is reported that the harvest was often fed to the animals.

More recently there has been a renewed interest in agriculture which may reflect a growing acknowledgement amongst some people that they are leading a more sedentary life. Some women have started plots and others have expressed interest. One woman, a poor widow, was actively trying to grow vegetables for her family. She had a well and had fenced her plot with slate from the mountains and old fish net. Now that water is being piped from the lake, irrigation may prove to be less labour intensive and agriculture will be easier for households to pursue.

One concern regarding agriculture is the soil contamination from Tamarix. Tamarix droppings contain high amounts of salt and it is said that only a few salt tolerant species will grow where Tamarix has been.

E. Dabuka and trade
Wadi Allaqi residents have traded with camel caravans for centuries and still trade with the current Dabuka drovers. It is estimated that over 100,000 camels make this trip annually from Sudan; Wadi Allaqi is a stopping point enabling the camels to drink and graze and the drovers to replenish themselves with water and to trade for supplies. Ababda and Bishariin sell food and other items to the drovers. Other products are traded as well. In addition to the Dabuka drovers, Wadi Allaqi residents trade with the many other transients (fishermen, military, miners, government employees, etc.) that come into the desert. Some households appear to maintain a monopoly on this trade; one household even owns a balance to facilitate its commerce.

Wadi Allaqi residents (a few in particular) provide other services to the Dabuka. Sick animals are left to be healed by the Bedouin and pregnant camels are left to give birth. Local Bedouin also find stray Dabuka animals. They are paid, usually in kind, for these services.

Not all households participate in these activities and the ones that do are generally the wealthier. For them it is an important, but supplementary, economic activity.

F. Medicinal Plant Collection
Medicinal plant collection is an economically important activity in upstream Wadi Allaqi where the medicinal plants are more abundant. Many of the medicinal plants and herbal teas to be found in Aswan shops were collected and sold by Bishariin from upstream. Our household survey revealed very little medicinal plant collection in downstream Wadi Allaqi; the most frequently collected plant was Senna Alexandrina. It is one of the most common medicinal plants in the downstream area, helps relieve the constipation that may result from the Bedouin's low fibre diet.

G. Trends
There are many livelihood trends evident in Wadi Allaqi. Some may be genuine movements and represent long term trajectories, while others may be cyclical or temporary in nature and result from yearly variation or particular short-term circumstances. These trends require further longitudinal observation and research. They will be briefly listed below :

Occupational Specialization. The Bedouin are characterized by occupational diversity and this certainly continues; however, the data suggests that certain households are focusing their energy more on certain livelihood strategies than others. In some instances, choice in involved and in others, force of circumstances is leading households to focus on particular activities.

The two wealthiest households, as mentioned earlier, appear to be specializing in (1) charcoal production and pastoralism and (2) trade and pastoralism. It is said about the second that 'he is so rich, he doesn't even bother charcoaling any more - he just grazes his animals in the hills.' This may be an exaggeration but our data does indicate that for the two year period for which we have data on charcoal production, more was made in the second year but by fewer households. In addition, trade, which has become more lucrative due to the increased number of transients in the desert, is occupying more time of those households involved.

Some men, especially poorer ones, who maintain full-time employment are participating less in charcoaling and pastoralism. They have not abandoned these pursuits but because they are restricted from migrating to the hills, their involvement is diminished.

Sedentariazation. A process of sedentarization is evident; people are spending more time in downstream Wadi Allaqi. They are moving less throughout the desert and migrating less to the hills for grazing. The reasons for this have been detailed above. Indicative of this process is the increased ownership of large material items by local desert residents. For example, one woman explained that she now stores water in a clay jug whereas in the past she used skin bags. The clay jug keeps the water cooler but, as she notes, is more difficult to move because of its size, weight, and fragility. Since they move less she has chosen to use the jug. Some people have metal bedsteads, stoves, and other bulky material items that are hard to transport. It is difficult to determine the exact increase in material items but if the trend is genuine, and it appears to be so, it resonates with the classic dictum about nomads that 'a pure nomad is a poor nomad.'An important consequence of increased sedentarization is the greater pressure put upon local plant resources in downstream Wadi Allaqi. As more people and animals spend more time in the area their dependence upon local plants increases and may eventually reach a point where environmental degradation occurs.

Division of Labour and Gender. A combination of male wage labour and increased sedenatriazation has increased the workloads of women and children who now spend a good deal of time tending to the needs of small animals. The is especially true for those households that no longer pursue transhumance on a large scale.

While Ababda and Bishariin society still remains highly sex segregated, we have observed a relaxing of gender relations during the years we have worked in the desert. This may reflect the fact that people are now comfortable with the Allaqi team but it may also reflect a trend to which our presence has contributed. Male Allaqi project members now speak directly to women which they did not do 5 years ago. This may enable desert women to feel more confident in seeking help for agriculture and other activities from project members and from the formal sector in general. This will be especially helpful in their dealings with medical personnel.

Market Integration and Commercial Activity. These processes have been detailed above. Allaqi residents have more cash; they trade more, they eat more purchased food, and the marketing strategies for small stock have altered with more strategic buying and selling of young and mature animals. Wadi Allaqi residents now fine tune their marketing to respond to changing environmental conditions and market demand. Tied to this and to the decline in transhumance is diminished milk consumption.

Wealth. One could speculate that downstream Wadi Allaqi households have become in the recent past wealthier; they have more resources, money, and employment. While it appears that material standards of living have risen in general, it also seems evident that there exists greater economic discrepancy between the rich and poor. Thus in spite of a general rise, the economic gap is wider, and in a relative sense, the rich are getting richer and the poor are getting poorer (cf. Briggs, personal communication). This is indeed speculative and requires further investigation.

There also seems to be greater provision of social services. Widows receive an allowance and the government supplies basic food items periodically (for example, before the Eid feast). Such services are not necessarily new or unique for desert residents but they are more easily accessed in Wadi Allaqi because of increased sedatarization and formal sector presence.

Property Relations. Property relations with regard to trees were analysed in our previous report and similar rules pertain to other plant resources. As mentioned above the commitment to a common property regime is still very powerful amongst the Bedouin but it was severely challenged in 1996 when dabuka camels, detained for ten days, overgrazed the Tamarix. Bedouin insisted that the dabuka camels be restricted from consuming the tamarisk and taken elsewhere. Whether this new and more restrictive definition of property rights represents an isolated incident related to extreme and unusual circumstances or is, perhaps, a trend towards more narrowly defined property access with regards to natural resources, is a subject for further research and observation.

5 . Methods

A. Plant uses
The potential and actual uses of the plants found in Wadi Allaqi were investigated by: 1 - literature review, 2 - direct observations of nomads' life-styles and their livestock and 3 - informal interviews with nomads. The results as presented in Table 1 (Annex XXXX) provide an indication of the importance of each species to the local economy. An importance value is given for each species for each of seven different uses. This importance value is derived as follows: