• inefficient agronomic practices that tend to promote soil degeneration;
• lack of improved crop varieties;
• poor farm- and water-management practices;
• lack of a favourable pricing policy for crops and agricultural inputs; and
• poor transportation and credit facilities.

In 1981, in an attempt to increase the yield of northern farms to meet Ghana's food requirements, the Canadian government established NORRIP to plan and design projects for the region. NORRIP cooperates with several other organizations in the north to assist small-scale farmers to increase their productivity through the use of improved farming techniques and appropriate technology, a package comprising agricultural inputs and farming practices.

This study focused on technology adoption by small-scale farmers in the Mamprusi area of the Northern Region. Mamprusi was chosen because of its potential for agricultural development and because (according to NORRIP) there are positive attitudes toward change in this area. Farming in the Mamprusi area is done on small holdings by farmers using traditional and inefficient agricultural practices and technology.

The central hypothesis was that the strategies used for diffusion of improved technology to small-scale farmers in the north have been inadequate or inappropriate and that this is why the aims of the development agencies have not been realized in this region.

• to review the available literature on the adoption of technological innovations by peasant communities in and outside Ghana;
• to review the aims and strategies pursued by rural-development projects, such as NORRIP, in their attempt to diffuse improved technology among the peasants of the Mamprusi area;
• to conduct a preliminary survey of the area's farming community to outline the factors relevant to the adoption of technologies in this district;
• to conduct formal and quantitative surveys to test hypotheses suggested by the preliminary survey;
• to suggest to decision-makers ways to facilitate the adoption of technology by rural farmers.

Interviews were also held with farmers: checklists were used to find out why farmers behave the way they do and to help me develop appropriate questionnaires. In Walewale, Gbimsi, Langbensi, Wungu, Guabiliga, and Mimima, village leaders and others respected in the community were asked for their opinion.

An in-depth (informal) survey of 20 selected farmers was conducted to obtain information on farm households and farming practices and to identify some of the constraints to increased food production. Information was gathered by means of checklists, as well as by visits to the farmers' plots.

Questionnaires designed on the basis of information obtained in the two previous surveys were administered to 69 randomly selected farmers in the Mamprusi area.

The policy of the 1970s was to encourage large-scale commercial farming, with mechanized systems. The Agricultural Development Bank was encouraged to advance loans to farmers to go into large-scale rice cultivation, using mainly tractors and high-yielding rice seeds. Earlier, in the 1930s, Bullock Traction Technology (BTT) had been introduced. In 1975, the Government of Ghana thought BTT was not the right kind of technology for modern agriculture. This led to the government scrapping its support for the project. Tractors were considered appropriate for modernizing Ghana's agriculture. The policy of this time was no different from that of the 1930s: both failed to take account of the interests of the small-scale farmers.

Several types of tractors were imported to support increased agricultural production. At some point, as many as 17 different makes were imported, and spare parts obviously became a problem. The rising cost of tractors, parts, fuel, and lubricants discouraged the use of tractors, and many were abandoned. This affected agricultural production, making the policy antiproductive.

Aid agencies in the region continued to support the BTT program, with little success. After several years of problems with the tractors, coupled with the problems in Ghana's economy, the government changed the policy, once again favouring the BTT. Ever since this policy change, the emphasis has been on developing appropriate technology for use by farmers in the northern region. Several aid agencies have been in the forefront in the development and transfer of appropriate technology, a package comprising the use of bullocks or donkeys, fertilizers, irrigation, and improved, high-yielding seeds.

The substitution view portrays tractors and animal and human labour as substitutes. The main considerations are the factor prices of these inputs. If the costs of animal and human labour rise high enough, it may be economical to adopt the use of tractors; otherwise, vice versa.

The net-contribution view argues that inadequate power is the main constraint in agricultural production. The greater power of tractors allows them to do greater work in a shorter period of time. This releases labour for other jobs in the household and on the farm.

In response to this argument, the substitution view suggests that in the labour-surplus countries of the Third World, labour-intensive practices are more appropriate. In these countries, labour is cheaper than in the advanced countries and the newly developed countries of Asia. In Duff and Kaiser's (1982) study of the mechanization of small rice farms in Asia, the authors showed that the rising rural wage, induced by industrialization and urbanization in Japan, South Korea, and Taiwan, was the principal motivation for substituting machines for animal and human labour.

In the same study, Duff and Kaiser (1982) argued that in countries like the Philippines, West Java, and South Sulawesi, the introduction of mechanized land preparation displaces family and animal labour. It is only when mechanized threshing is introduced that hired labour is displaced. This is because, in most developing countries, threshing is traditionally done by hired labour. Without alternative jobs, therefore, displaced laborers suffer low income.

The aim of any improved technology is increased production. Several studies have been conducted to determine the impact of improved agricultural technology on incomes, production, and employment, but they failed to account for the effects of other agricultural inputs. Generally, results from such studies have been mixed. Tan and Wicks (in Duff and Kaiser 1982) found a significant difference in yields from mechanically and traditionally tilled fields in Asia. This finding contradicts that of Duff and Kaiser (1982), who found no significant difference; however, their study made adjustments for fertilizer use. In yet another study (Sukharomana 1982), it was found that mechanization did actually increase rice yields in Thailand. However, the regression analysis used in the study failed to account for the role played by other inputs, such as fertilizer and pesticides. An increase in agricultural production may also result from (1) extending the area under cultivation or (2) more intensively farming an existing area. Obviously, the first can occur only in areas where there is an abundance of land.

The main towns in the study area are Walewale, Wulugu, and Langbensi. Other towns that influence farming in the study area include Gamboga, Nalerigu, and Nkpanduri. Walewale is located some 110 km north of Tamale. (Northern Region capital) and lies on the main road between Tamale and Bolgatanga (Upper East Region capital).

The study area receives an annual rainfall of 900–1000 mm, the lowest in the region. Rainfall distribution is unimodal, with much of the rain falling between May and September. The rainy season is followed by a long and severe dry season. During this period, the area comes under the strong influence of the harmattans (winds that originate in the Sahara and blow across the Sahel region). The harmattans are very dry, and, as a result, humidity may be as low as 10–20% during the dry season. Dryland farming is virtually impossible during this period, so the farmers produce only one crop a year.

The mean temperature is around 29°C. March, April, and May are the hottest months, when temperatures exceeding 35°C are not uncommon, and the coldest months are August and September.

The study area is served by a number of small rivers, many of which dry up during the long dry season. A few have been dammed to provide water for people and livestock. The small rivers drain two major rivers, the White Volta and Nasia, which are outside the study area.

The topography is generally flat, becoming undulating and hilly toward the northeast. Altitudes range from 150 to 330 m in the northeast, with its rocky hills.

The soils are fairly good, belonging to capability classes II and III, and are somewhat uniform across the study area. Two distinct soil classes can be identified: the Savanna glysols, or Enfisols (United States Department of Agriculture [USDA] classification); and the Savanna ochrosols, or Alfisols (USDA classification). The Savanna glysols occur in river valleys and are alluvial or colluvial, whereas the Savanna achrosols, which are common in upland areas, are moderately well drained soils developed over voltaian sandstones.

The natural vegetation is Guinea Savanna woodland, with tree cover in most areas. Many of the trees are felled for fuelwood. Trees of economic value, such as the shea ("butter tree") and the baobab ("monkey bread tree"), are common and grow in the wild.

Infrastructure

The main government clinics are found in Walewale and Kpasinkpe and in Upper East Region.

The District Agricultural Office is located in Walewale, and there are technical assistants in charge of villages in the area. Many of these technical assistants are not well trained, and they have to rely on public transport to visit the farms. Input supply depots are generally lacking in the area, and there are virtually no government silos. Marketing facilities are poor and are mainly operated by the farmers. All the markets are periodic: most convene every third day.

There are no banks or credit agencies in the study area; thus, credit is largely unavailable to the farmers.

Socioeconomic factors

Farm households

The farmers in the sample were young: the average age of the heads of households was 43.4 years (CV = 0.27). Table 1 indicates that two thirds of the farmers were younger than 50 years. The age distribution shows only a slightly positively skewed distribution, with a Pearson correlation of r = 0.61.

The average household owns two plots; the compound garden and the main plot (or farm), which is usually 2–6 km from home. The average farm size is estimated at 3.9 ha, with more than half of the households owning <3 ha (Table 2). Land for farming is acquired from the village chiefs or elders.

Land is easily obtainable because the population density is low in the area. No rents are paid, except for occasional gifts of cola, fowls, rams, etc. The head of the household is usually responsible for decisions concerning farming operations, often in consultation with the spouse(s). Family labour is the main source of farm labour and, in view of the availability of land, usually determines the size of the family farm. The correlation between family size and farm size was highly significant (P = 0.002, r = 0.4288).

The roles of family members in farming operations are distinct, although each member can take part in any activity. The men and the boys are often responsible for land preparation, particularly preparation of ridges, mounds, and ploughing, whereas the women's main role is seeding or planting. All family members take part in the first and major weeding of the farm, but women and children are mainly responsible for subsequent weedings. (Women and children also gather fuelwood for the home.) Harvesting of produce is often done by all family members, but threshing and winnowing operations are performed by the women and girls. Where rice is grown, young boys are often employed to scare away birds just before harvesting. Young boys are also often seen herding livestock or conveying farm produce in a cart pulled by a bullock or donkey.

Farmers' objectives

• to satisfy the household's subsistence requirements (the main staples — millet, sorghum, and maize — are grown on all farms);
• to satisfy household cash needs through the sale of surplus crops (economic necessity forces many farmers to sell crops, although they may not have produced enough); the growing of cash crops, such as groundnuts (i.e., peanuts) and cotton; the sale of livestock; or off-farm work; and
• to keep livestock as insurance against crop failure or as a customary and religious practice.

Crop husbandry

Land preparation and planting: The farming season begins with land preparation in February or March; the slash-and-burn method is used. Seed-bed preparation begins with the onset of rains in April or May and mainly involves ploughing of fields and making ridges. Sometimes mounds are made. Ridging is very important because it permits farmers to take advantage of early rains to do their sowing. Labour shortages are acute, as there are virtually no landless people in the study area and everyone is working on the family farm. Ridging is done with a hoe or with bullock or donkey traction. Hoe ridging is laborious and time consuming, sometimes taking days to complete 1 ha of land. Hoe farmers tend to have smaller farms, and seeding is often delayed. A few hoe farmers are able to hire bullocks or donkeys for ridging, but the demand for these animals is very high during this period because they are labour saving.

About 38% of the farmers own bullocks, and 19% own donkeys (see Table 7). Bullock ploughs are owned by about 23% of the farmers, whereas ridgers are owned by only 16%. For farming operations, two bullocks are needed at a time. This has been found to impede the adoption of bullock-traction technology, as bullocks are expensive, costing, on average, 32 000 GHC each (in 1995, 1175 Ghana cedis [GHC] = 1 United States dollar [USD]), and require more attention. CAP is focusing more attention on the introduction of donkey-traction technology because only one donkey is required for farming operations and donkeys are less expensive (about 11 000 GHC each), require less attention, and are not often stolen.

Seeding is done soon after the ridges have been made. On farms where bullocks are used, women commonly do the sowing while the men and the boys make the ridges. The crops are grown on the ridges, and groundnuts and beans are often planted on the side of the ridges. According to advice from the extension service, spacing of crops should be 90 cm on the ridges, with 40 cm between the ridges. Although many farmers are aware of this advice, they do not take it: those with smaller holdings aim at attaining higher planting densities, and others believe that taking accurate measurements is time consuming.

Input use: Farm inputs are basic and essential to any farm enterprise; without them, no output is possible. Consequently, major efforts aimed at developing efficient and effective technologies to improve farm productivity have focused on high-quality inputs. These efforts have, however, achieved limited success in the case of small-scale farmers, who are often regarded as resistant to change (Sands 1986). Some researchers have attributed small-scale farmers' failure to adopt improved technologies partly to the inadequacy of support systems, such as extension services, credit, and input supplies.

Sands (1986) contended that technology must be evaluated not only in terms of its technical performance under environmental conditions typical of small farms but also in terms of its conformity to the goals and socioeconomic organization of the small-farm system. The second criterion is crucial to the small-scale farmer's adoption of improved technologies, although this criterion is often ignored, or its importance is taken for granted. The proportions of farmers using various types of farm inputs are shown in Table 4. The reasons the nonusers gave for not using them are presented in Table 5.

The farmers mainly use seeds from the previous harvest for planting, or they purchase seeds from local markets. Some of these seeds are improved; however, only 17% of the farmers regularly purchase improved seeds. The main sources of these seeds are MOA, CAP, and LAS. A number of farmers have to travel some distance to purchase seeds and other farm inputs. The popular varieties of improved maize seed are dobidi, Safita 2, and Laposts. Next, sorghum seeds and groundnut varieties, such as Florispan and Manipints, are commonly purchased. The majority of farmers who do not purchase improved seeds indicated that they were discouraged by the cost of the seeds and lack of credit to purchase them.

Farm-yard manure and compost are relatively inexpensive ways to add nutrients to the soil and to improve the soil structure. Inorganic fertilizers, on the other hand, are expensive and do not improve soil structure. About 36% of the farmers indicated that they used farm manure regularly, whereas only 7% of the farmers used compost. Farmers who did not use manure regularly indicated that manure is not available nearby and also mentioned the difficulty conveying the manure from the krads to their plots. However, about 36% of the farmers who did not use compost said that the labour requirement impeded their use of it, and 31% thought that composting was a waste of time.

We found that more than 90% of the farmers use inorganic fertilizers on their plots. The reason for using fertilizers varied, but the farmers were unanimous in their belief that the use of fertilizers results in higher yields. About 41% used fertilizer because they took the advice of the extension service, and one third said they used sulfate of ammonia to combat the parasitic weed Striga gesnerodies. Striga tends to have devastating affects on cereals and legumes and is very difficult to eradicate. The attempts to eliminate the weed with strong herbicides, like 2,4-D and oxyfluorifen, have not been successful. However, it is known that striga does not perform very well on fertile soils, and, according to the farmers, the ammonia fertilizer causes their crops to outgrow the weed, thereby uprooting it. The extension officers, however, do not recommend the use of ammonia on cereals because it stimulates vegetative growth at the expense of grain yield. Until an effective way of combating striga is found, it will be difficult to make the farmers change their methods.

Compound fertilizers, such as 15–15–15 and 20–20–0, are the main fertilizers supplied to farmers in the area. Fertilizer recommendations are not based on any detailed soil survey; instead, they appear to be uniform across the region. The Northern Region receives its fertilizer allocation from Accra, and the quantity of it is almost invariably less than the region requires. In addition, fertilizers usually arrive late, mainly as a result of transportation problems. It is, therefore, rationed, and, as a result, the farmers can purchase only suboptimal quantities. With fertilizer recommendations not attuned to the soil nutrient requirements, it is obvious some nutrients are wasted and others are not supplied in adequate quantities.

Pesticides are used by less than 15% of the farmers. The cost of pesticides and lack of credit were the main reasons the other farmers gave for not using them. The farmers buy pesticides from a number of sources: MOA, the various agricultural projects, other farmers, and the market.

The farmers were asked to indicate the year when they adopted certain farm inputs, and the results are shown in Table 6. It is evident that their use of fertilizers began earlier than their use of pesticides. The majority of the farmers began using inputs in 1980–84, but agricultural production suffered greatly, mainly from drought. In 1984, when weather conditions improved, all resources were used in an attempt to reverse the decreasing trend in agricultural output. As a result of government measures and foreign aid, large quantities of farm inputs were made available in 1984, and farmers were encouraged to use them.

Harvesting and use of crop residues: All members of the farm household harvest the crops and transport the produce. In some cases, carts pulled by donkeys or bullocks are used. The crop residues have various uses. Cereal residues are often burned in the field, and the ash is sprinkled on the soil. In some cases, cereal residues are used for making compost or are buried in the soil to improve the soil structure. Groundnut and bean residues are commonly fed to animals.

Crop storage and sales: All the farmers stored at least some of their crops at home, although a few stored crops on the farm as well. The crops are stored for varying lengths of time in different types of containers. Crops are stored for 4–6 months, on average, and the storage period rarely goes beyond 10 months. The storage time is influenced by the space available, the quantity of crop output (many farmers do not produce enough to last them throughout the year), sales, and losses to fungus, insects, and pests. Some farmers are forced by short-term cash shortages to sell produce soon after harvest, when prices are low, and purchase food during the dry season, they are very high.

The crop-storage techniques used by the farmers are basically traditional and have not changed much over the years (this is a facet that has been neglected in research). Cereals are commonly stored in homemade straw bins, which last from 3 to 5 months. These bins are usually placed on wooden platforms and are often covered. When the bins are full, they are sealed and cow dung is smeared on the outside to make them waterproof. Groundnuts and beans are often stored in jute bags, but because they are cash crops, they are not often stored for long.

Crop losses during storage are estimated at between 20 and 25%. Much of the damage is caused by insects, especially weevils, rodents, and fungus. All farmers take measures to prevent or reduce storage losses. They dry cereals before storing them, and they use smoke and ash to prevent insect damage. Farmers also use insecticides, such as Actellic (TM) dust, Adtrex (TM), Gammalin (TM) dust, and even dangerous ones like DDT and Carbaryl (TM). It was disappointing to observe that many farmers bought insecticides from neighbours, as well as from the local market.

Crops are sold in local markets or the markets of neighbouring villages, depending on when the markets convene. The modes of transport to the markets are most inefficient, and, as a result, trading picks up only in the afternoon. On market days, farmers are commonly seen travelling, dangerously, on trucks that have not been designed to convey passengers. Others are seen trekking over long distances. This limits the amount of produce they can send to the market, and the time spent is often at the expense of farming and other activities. At the market, the farmers sell their produce and use the money to purchase things they need for their households and farms, and they return home with scarcely any cash.

Livestock husbandry

Cattle are mainly kept with the Fulani, who are responsible for their upkeep and grazing, and they release the animals to the owners on demand. The cattle are kept in kraals overnight and sent for grazing in the morning. During the dry season, the cattle often trek over long distances in search of good pasture and water. Dry-season feeding of livestock is a problem. The Fulani commonly set fire to large tracts of land to force grass to regrow for the cattle. Agricultural scientists and environmentalists advise against this, but the practice has not abated. A Fulani cattle herder usually keeps livestock for several owners, and the quantity may not encourage good husbandry.

Livestock production in the study area receives inadequate technical support from MOA's Department of Animal Health and Production, which becomes noticeable during outbreaks of livestock disease. But for the past 2 or 3 years, diseases like rinderpest and, more recently, anthrax, have been contained. The farmers often buy drugs and antibiotics from the local market.

Technological inadequacies

One can argue that most farmers in the Mamprusi area are aware of the importance of fertilizers and are also ready to use them; however, the quantities of fertilizers sent up north by the central government are inadequate. The high-yielding seeds respond better to fertilizer, and if adequate fertilizer is not applied, less than optimum yields will be achieved. The small quantities of the fertilizer usually arrive late, normally after farmers have tilled their lands and planted their crops. The central government imports fertilizers without consulting with the experts on the types of fertilizer to use. When considering what fertilizer to buy and where to buy it, the central government is more concerned about prices and conserving foreign exchange.

Storage poses a considerable challenge for farmers in the Mamprusi area. Almost all the farmers use some traditional method for storage, which limits the length of time that the crops can be stored. There is always the pressure to sell off whatever is stored before it goes bad. Under such circumstances, farmers accept low prices for their produce. The Ghana Food Distribution Corporation (GFDC), a state-owned enterprise, is the only government agency set up to buy and store the farmers' produce. The GFDC has the capacity to store 17 500 t, but this capacity is said to be idle because of a contractor's faulty design. In any case, the storage capacity is far from adequate in view of the levels of cereal demand and supply. The GFDC hopes to increase its storage capacity to more than 120 000 t in the second and third phases of its program. Private participation in the purchase and storage of farm produce is virtually nonexistent. A few firms do buy vegetables and fruit for processing, but these firms do not have the production capacities to allow them to buy large quantities.

The farmers can only store produce by drying and bagging it. The bags are then kept in the farmers' bedrooms or in mud silos. Several of these farmers do not apply any insecticides. Those who do apply them buy them indiscriminately, without any advice from the extension service. This is dangerous to the farmer and to the farmer's family, as well as to the consuming public. There are examples of farmers using Gammalin 20 or DDT to both kill rodents and preserve food.

There is a big problem with food marketing in the Mamprusi area. The method for transporting produce to market limits the amount that can be sent. The roads are especially difficult during the rainy season. Even in the dry season, these roads are so bad that not many trucks can use them. For that matter, many farmers walk to market with their produce on their heads. Several of the markets open every third day. They open late but close early to allow the farmers time to walk back to their homes.

Often, farmers' produce is priced very low because of the pressure on the farmers to meet expenses and pay their debts (or the interest on their loans). The pressure to sell may also be due to inadequate storage.

Areas of intervention

The unimodal rainy season in the region results in inadequate irrigation. During the rainy season, farms are flooded and crops are destroyed. Canals should be constructed to conserve this extra water for future use. Such water-control measures have been ignored by both the government and the development agencies.

Another important issue is that of credit. There is no financial institution in the whole area. The nearest bank is at Bolgatanga, more than 50 km from Walewale; the Agricultural Development Bank at Tamale has an agency at Malerigu, several kilometres away. However, the farmers who took an interest in going to the bank for help were frustrated. In several instances, these farmers made many trips to the agency at Malerigu only to be given loans that were just adequate to pay for their transportation there and back. New technology is expensive if one also takes into account the prices of fertilizers, high-yielding seeds, implements, and so on. Farmers need to raise loans to buy all these inputs. Development agencies in the district should find a way to grant loans to farmers.

The calibre of extension staff leaves much to be desired. Many of the extension staff are unable to explain technological innovations to the farmers. Moreover, the extension officers, usually referred to as technical officers, have to depend on public transport to do their work. Development agencies should consider buying bicycles and motorbikes for the technical officers. Some in-service training should be provided; some technical officers could also be sent to agricultural schools.

Storage and sales and marketing must be addressed seriously. When these are improved, they will provide incentives for farmers to produce more. As rational entrepreneurs, farmers will respond to market trends. A ready market for their produce will encourage them to produce more. To do so, they will need to adopt appropriate technologies.

The essential ingredients are missing in the technological package introduced to the small-scale farmers. Farmers know of the technologies being developed for them and are ready to adopt them. However, they have many frustrations. They do not get their fertilizers supplied at the right time or in the right quantities, and the prices are too high. With the exception of Global 2000, all the other projects rely on Walewale for their supply of fertilizer. This completely frustrates the projects' operations.

Technology policies for Ghana are not in the hands of the central government. Evidently, therefore, the government has very little to do with the innovation and dissemination of agricultural technology. The control of this is in the hands of several nongovernmental organizations.

1. The Government of Ghana should take control of agricultural-technology policies and play a leading role in achieving their objectives.
2. NORRIP should be restructured to coordinate the activities of the development agencies and eliminate duplication in their work.
3. The development agencies should come up with strategies to advance loans to farmers. (These loans could be in the form of cash or agricultural inputs.)
4. Canals should be built to conserve excess water from the heavy rains. (Ultimately, rivers will have to be dammed for irrigation. Agricultural technology of the kind being introduced to farmers in the north cannot rely on the rains.)
5. The development agencies operating in the Mamprusi area should take advantage of the government's new policy on fertilizer imports to import their own fertilizers and other agricultural inputs for farmers in their catchment areas.
6. MOA should team up with the development agencies to solve the marketing and storage problems. (For example, some of these agencies have silos that could be used by the GFDC to store what they have to buy from farmers in the area.)

• Duff, B.; Kaiser, M. 1982. The mechanization of small rice farms in Asia. In Farm power and employment in Asia: Performance and prospects. Proceedings of a regional seminar held at the Agrarian Research and Training Institute, Colombo, Sri Lanka, 25–29 Oct. 1982.
• Government of Ghana. 1978. Ghana agricultural sector review, 1.
• NORRIP (Northern Region Rural Integrated Project). 1982. NORRIP development strategy for Northern region. Ghana.
• Sukharomana, S. 1982. The impact of farm power strategy in Thailand. In Farm power and employment in Asia: Performance and prospects. Proceedings of a regional seminar held at the Agrarian Research and Training Institute, Colombo, Sri Lanka, 25–29 Oct. 1982. 130.

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